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TRANSCRIPT: Wilson:-"It's good to be speaking to you again in your homes. Obviously I cannot go into all the issues that I've been discussing with your Prime Minister Mr Kosygin and other Soviet leaders 1/2 First there are the relations between our two countries. It's 19 years since, as a very young minister, I first visited the Soviet Union to conclude the first great trade agreement between our two countries; and since then I have watched with admiration, great social and industrial advances that you have made. In 1947 your fight was to get the food that was needed; to begin the first improvement in the supply of consumer goods in the shops. Yet only 10 years later you had not only overcome the shortages, but the first sputnik was in space. The world has congratulated the Soviet people on their scientific achievements, right up to this very month when you have taken one further step forward in opening up to mankind the mysteries of space. We rejoice with you in these achievements, but all us know of the problems that remain unsolved here on earth. Our British scientists who equally in these years have pioneered a great and historic breakthrough in electronics, in medicine, and in the peaceful uses of nuclear energy, have much to contribute in partnership with yours. Our businessmen and engineers can work still more closely with yours in applying the results of science to productive industry. As one, however, who since the war has worked for closer cooperation first in trade and economic affairs and mor recently for closer understanding in our approach to world problems. I believe that the relations between our two countries depend on this 'troika' of trade, of friendship, the pursuit of peace. And this same interdependence of trade, understanding and peace, are going to help us in our attack on the wider problems of the world. Both our governments feel that the talks this week give us a wider opportunity of working out the next steps we must take as countries which share a responsibility for moving towards a settlement of the grave problems that trouble the world. I will not disguise from you; I certainly have not disguised it from Mr Kosygin and his colleagues; that there are deep differences of opinion between us. You have your alliances and your loyalties, and we have ours, and in my discussions with your Prime Minister, all I have said reflects fully those loyalties and the position of our allies and partners. Because we have these differences there's a duty on both of us to speak quite clearly and frankly and not to seek to blur any issues. But equally there's a duty on both of us to try and find those subjects, those points where we can together make progress. I believe that in both our countries there's a deep desire for peace and comradeship. A deep recognition of the fact that when relations between the British people and the Soviet people have been close, not only our two counties stand to gain but other nations as well. Britain and the Soviet Union were allies in the greater war against Fascist tyranny. Today, whatever may divide us we must be allies for peace. Our world is changing. The balance of danger is shifting from Europe to the vast areas of Asia and Africa, where the problems of the newly developing countries are more and more those of race and colour, of economic development, and for hundreds of millions of our fellow world citizens, of hunger and stark famine. Britain and the Soviet Union must now be allies in the greatest and most challenging war in world history; the war against poverty and hunger. For, centuries from now history will condemn you and us, your allies and our allies, if in these years were are guilty of alienating to the purposes of mutual destruction the great resources which science is freeing for the use of man. We are partners in great enterprises. We are partners in the United Nations, that great instrument forged in the heat of war, which alone can provide the hope that all world relationships will be settled under the rule of law. And like you we seek to make the United Nations more truly representative of mankind, and being representative of mankind, it must express, not the clamour and manoeuvring of individual national interests, but the urgent consensus of the aspirations of ordinary people everywhere for peace, for security and the future of their children. Equally we're engaged together in the vitally important conference at Geneva, where with other nations we have been charged with the duty of working out a comprehensive scheme of world disarmament. But even more urgent is the challenge we jointly face of providing effective machinery to stop the spread of nuclear weapons. The advance of purer science, applied science, technology, in these past few years, means that today there are many nations which could quickly acquire nuclear power, and with it the ability to destroy their neighbouring, and to plunge the world into nuclear chaos. If we cannot in the months that lie ahead, provide effective guarantees to stop the spread of these weapon of mass destruction, while at the same time providing safeguards for non-nuclear nations who may fear attack, then the world will quickly have passed the point of no return. It will not surprise you therefore that this his been -one of the main subjects of our talks here in Moscow this week
The speech is preceded and followed by short speeches in Russian by Wilson.
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